Whiteness
and Class in Star Trek Deep Space 9’s Past Tense.
Media Report By
Emilee Suchomski and Elise Krueger
Star
Trek: Deep Space 9, Past Tense Parts 1 and 2. (1995, Part 1 written
by Robert Wolfe, directed by Reza Badiyi. Part 2 Ira Behr and Rene
Echevarria, directed by Jonathon Frakes.
Part
2- Analysis
Sanctuary
District inmate Michael Webb is chosen by Sisko and BC to represent
the face of America and what one would call an average American. He
is white, he has a (n unseen) wife and two children, and many of his
actions are based around supporting that family, however, he is
unemployed. Early on in the history of the United States employment
set white people apart from African Americans. The average American
was not a slave and not black (Roediger 1991). To be a black slave
meant to perform labor, but not for a wage. Additionally, unlike
"white trash", the average American was perceived to be a
hard worker, pulling themselves up by their bootstraps as the saying
goes (Wray 2006). This episode depicts a middle class white man
dealing with problems that are most typically dealt with by African
Americans, Latin@ Americans, and recent immigrants of any identity
other than “properly white”. Because of this, Sisko decides to
use him as the proof to the outside world that the sanctuary district
has good people in it who do not deserve to be there. This would not
be possible without society giving whites a benefit of the doubt and
social capital that is denied to People of Color.
This
episode alludes to the stereotype of the people in the sanctuary
district as being lower than working class. They do not have jobs so
it is assumed that they are more socially deviant than working class
Americans. In the United States, working class and poor people are
nearly always assumed to be nonwhite (it's just blamed on the
individuals for reasons of sin or race rather than on the true
systemic causes of poverty). In a sanctuary district that functions
as part ghetto, part trailer park, the majority of the residents are
assumed to be either "white trash" or nonwhite. Webb does
not fit the stereotype that people outside of the sanctuary district
assume that it is filled with. People outside of the sanctuary
district view it as a necessary problem and place to keep the
unemployed.
With the Trekkie audience that Star Trek Deep Space Nine is intended for, it is impossible to assume that race does not play an important role in the construction of what the sanctuary district is. Stereotypes define it, just as they define many perceptions of class and race in the United States. Even the viewer is led to believe that the sanctuary district must be made up of mostly nonwhites, especially when Sisko and Bashir (both nonwhite) are immediately taken there once they arrive on earth. Both for Americans in the episodes themselves and the American audience in real life, race culture and the poverty associated with nonwhites is a part of the social structure in the United States (Lipsitz 2006). With the discriminatory practices in hiring, housing, and education that have characterized the United States since colonial times, the reality of the sanctuary district is that it should be full nonwhites, blocked out of work and forced into ghettos.
With the Trekkie audience that Star Trek Deep Space Nine is intended for, it is impossible to assume that race does not play an important role in the construction of what the sanctuary district is. Stereotypes define it, just as they define many perceptions of class and race in the United States. Even the viewer is led to believe that the sanctuary district must be made up of mostly nonwhites, especially when Sisko and Bashir (both nonwhite) are immediately taken there once they arrive on earth. Both for Americans in the episodes themselves and the American audience in real life, race culture and the poverty associated with nonwhites is a part of the social structure in the United States (Lipsitz 2006). With the discriminatory practices in hiring, housing, and education that have characterized the United States since colonial times, the reality of the sanctuary district is that it should be full nonwhites, blocked out of work and forced into ghettos.
Webb
is not the individual or the body assumed to exist within the walls
of the Sanctuary District. Thus, even once the riots break out and
Sisko, Bashir, and BC exert obvious control over the situation, they
choose Webb to go on video as the face of the Sanctuary District.
This is because he is the white male that American studies scholar
George Lipsitz (2006) refers to when he says, “The state uses
gender roles and family obligations to compel behavior that serves
its interests.” The white male patriarch fulfills this cultural
role and Webb is especially suited to fit this role in his desire for
employment and his family’s freedom and protection. These two
things are what drive Webb to reveal to the outside world what the
sanctuary district truly is. He knows that none of the residents
belong there, especially himself, as a white formerly middle class
male, and this is what makes him a more desirable symbol with which
to attempt to confront the system’s oppression.
It is important to note that Sisko, Bashir, and BC all cannot represent the face of the sanctuary district. They all are the embodiment of the poor, nonwhite, lazy stereotype of the sanctuary district residents. Sisko is African American, Bashir both non-American and nonwhite, and BC is "white trash". Although BC is also white, as described previously, he embodies a different whiteness than Webb. Webb is the face of the sanctuary district and the key to shutting it down. Because he was once a middle class American, he can relate to those outside of the sanctuary district and they can relate to him. Even though he does not have a job, he wants one in order to provide for his family and give his life more purpose. He bravely defends his family and fights for the basic American right, freedom. Webb is a man that the vast majority of Americans can relate to and thus a driving force for the closing of the sanctuary districts. As Sisko says “They don't want to see you or me, they want to see Webb. He's the guy next door!”
Past Tense also depicts an example of
"white trash" – an ignorant, bigoted criminal, who is
looked down on by everyone, and goes out of his way to torment
others, especially Blacks, eventually rioting against society for his
own gain, as opposed to Webb’s class conscious purposes. B.C. is a
“ghost”, the violent, unstable poor population that serves as
this story’s equivalent to southern "white trash". While
he clearly has cultural background in common with Vin and even Webb,
he cannot access cultural capital due to his economic status. One is
struck by the commonality between the two unpleasant white
characters, BC and Vin, sharing so many of the same traits –
sadism, pride, and at least a limited awareness that they’re not
wanted by their superiors. Both react similarly- lashing out at
those around them, the difference is that Vin is the socially
necessary “frontiersman” described by Matt Wray in “Not Quite
White”1
who, while uncouth and uncivilized (at least in comparison to the
detective, the social worker, and the journalist) is socially useful
because he inflicts violence on those who are still less worthy. BC
also practices violence, some of which seems to be racially motivated
(5 of the 8 named characters he threatens are People of Color- three
Blacks, one Arab-Britisher, and one Latino -and the only one he
actually kills is Black), but this is not enough to redeem him in
society’s eyes, because he is a “ghost”- like the 18th
century “lubbers” of Appalachia (Wray, 24) who reputedly lived in
squalor, refusing to work for their own families’ benefit and being
largely left to their own devices by the slaveholding class, who had
more profitable subjects to control. All that seems to separate them
is that BC operates in a location where his savagery is not in
society’s perceived interest. BC is aware of this, openly mocking
the political system as he takes the social workers and policemen
hostage, reveling in his status as a social outcast, or "white
trash". He is poor, but he is also virulently racist, calling
Sisko “boy” and directing his violence against People of Color,
like the “crackers” employed by the planter aristocracy to
discipline their slaves. In a society where his whiteness and power
are not enough to determine his fate, his only recourse is more
violence and sociopathy.
Despite their antisocial tendencies and disposition towards bigotry and violence, the ghosts ultimately experience something of a feeling of solidarity with the “gimmes” and “dims” during the riot, similarly to how poor whites supported some early slave revolts before they had been taught to invest in whiteness2.
There are important distinctions here- the oppressed classes are permanent, regardless of race. Roediger describes part of Whiteness’ psychological wages as being the sense that one can and will better one’s condition through work3, which was openly kept beyond the capacity of nonwhites. The fact that the system did not in fact always keep poor workers, especially indentured servants, from upward mobility shaped much of social policy in the 18th and 19th centuries- namely, how could the ruling class create, maintain, and oppress a permanent underclass? The answer, of course, was investing more in slavery and the social infrastructure needed to morally justify it. This actually seems to be the starting point for the episodes- how do white workers react when they realize that the system no longer considers them desirable? Some demand human rights like Webb, others slide into savagery and crime like BC, because the wages of whiteness are no longer available to them, and others continue plodding along in a system in which they blame everyone who is worse off for their own difficulties, and all reasonable hope of upward mobility is lost . Webb and BC are no longer freemen, which means they have more in common with those of other racial assignments, yet class solidarity is impossible to BC (and Vin) because of their racial assignment and the way they have been socialized to invest in it.
It’s also worth remembering the defense of slavery as being in the interests of those too inept to handle their own lives4, much as the sanctuary districts are described. The necessary reverse of meritocracy, clung to by poor freemen like Vin, is that those who do not succeed are inherently inferior, otherwise they’d be calling more shots. BC is also an important part of questioning this message- he is clearly a violent, racist person who would cause trouble at every opportunity, but how much of this has been aggravated by his socially enforced poverty?
Also of great importance to the plot is
the perception of the Sanctuary District’s residents by the
authorities, who are characterized in a variety of relevant ways.
The two policemen (one old, conservative and white, one young,
apolitical and Latino) who first arrest Sisko and Bashir are the
framing device for society’s perceptions. The white one, named
Vin, is a representative of the white working class that exists in a
complex position between his oppressors and those he oppresses.
Roediger’s “Wages of Whiteness” is invaluable in understanding
his position.
Vin is in a position of power over the powerless, but the frequent references to his precarious economic position undercut this. His pay is being cut, and his hours extended. This important information is secondary to his role as arbiter of social worth, but it clearly helps explain his hostility towards the inmates of the Sanctuary. He defines himself as better than the homeless, insane, and/or unemployed people society has placed beneath him, repeatedly calling them “losers” and saying they have only themselves to blame for their predicament.
Vin is used here as an example of the white freeman, separated from his victims not by wealth (at least not by much) or even power- for he is as vulnerable as the others to economic manipulation – the difference is that society has not yet told him that it considers him worthless – he is still officially free to market his labor, as 19th century poor whites were free, but entirely dependent on the whims of the ruling class for his livelihood. Rather than economic power, he is given socio-legal power over social undesirables on account of his status as a freeman, and told that this is his right. (Roediger, 48). Using Roediger’s history of the self-identification of the white freeman, we can infer that the success of this social construction can be measured in how completely its subjects identify their relatively privileged social status as resulting from their own merits and their identity as whites while ignoring their economic oppression and dependence. Vin progresses through the episodes, eventually acknowledging that the residents of the district are there through someone else’s actions than their own, and ultimately allows Sisko and Bashir to leave anonymously, preserving the timeline. Throughout, he identifies with those who present images similar to his, with the bulk of his anger reserved for BC and to a lesser degree Sisko.
This could have been race blind. Or even have tried to be race blind. But it was brave enough to hit these issues head on. We’re left to ponder
whether these racial symbols and stratifications were an intentional
part of the depicted narrative, if they’re inescapable facets of a
society with four hundred years of racial oppression as its salient
feature, or perhaps both. At the very least, Behr, Echevarria,
Wolfe, and co. have depicted a disturbingly familiar United States,
and done important work in bridging the gap between idealism in goals
and awareness of serious problems. Past Tense concludes with a
typically uplifting Star Trek ending showing the beginning of the
district’s ending after Webb’s murder by the police in the riot’s
breaking. The policemen agree to let Sisko disappear in gratitude
for his brokering a mostly peaceful resolution, and the heroes return
to 2371. We see one more point of race and class relations as Vin
orders the soldiers to stand down and they obey him, recognizing
their social proximity and therefore trusting his authority. This
shows how entrenched the society still is in racialized class
division. We’re left to consider the results of stratification, in
a way that has primarily exhibited economic oppressions but also
reminded us of the role race plays in keeping classes divided and
society oppressive.
Bibliography
Lipsitz, George. The
Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from
Identity Politics. Philadelphia:
Temple University Press, 2006.
Roediger,
David. The Wages of Whiteness:
Race and the Making of the American Working Class. New
York: Verso Books, 1991.
Weber,
Max. The Protestant Ethic and
the Spirit of Capitalism. New
York: Routledge, 1930.
Wray,
Matt. Not Quite White: "white
trash" and the Boundaries of Whiteness. Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 2006.
1
Wray, 51
2
Roediger, p. 24.
3
Roediger, 32
4
Roediger, 75.
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